Indian Artifacts and House Bill 179
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From: Glenn Welker
Dear Members of the Native American Community:
Please be advised that : House Bill 179: relating to artifacts
recovered
from Native American burial sites, has been assigned to the House
Committee on Culture, Recreation, and Tourism. Write or fax your letter
of support and request the scheduling for public hearings to the
following House Representative;
House Representative Harvey Hilderbran
Chairman, House Committee on Culture, Recreation, and Tourism
P.O. Box 2910
Austin, Texas 78768
PHONE: (512) 463-0536
FAX: (512) 463-1449
Thank you for your coiuntinued support and help in this matter. You can
also contact the governors office at the following
Office of the Governor
P.O. Box 12428
Austin, Texas 78711-2428
http://www.governor.state.tx.us/contact/contact_email.htm
TOLL FREE: 1 (800) 252-9600
FAX: (512) 463-1849
The Quandelacy Family of Zuni carvers
Quandelacy
One of the more notable families of Zuni fetish carvers and jewelers
is the Quandelacy family. Now deceased matriarch Ellen Quandelacy
learned the art of carving from her father, Johnny Quam, and her style
is still very much in evidence in the carvings and fetish necklaces
of daughter Albenita Yunie, and Albenita's sons Brian and Jeffrey Yunie.
As Kent McManis stated in his book
A Guide to Zuni Fetishes and
Carvings,
"Stewart Quandelacy's bears have almost become the
quintessential Zuni fetish".
Zuni artist Stewart Quandelacy has stated that he prefers the terms "Zuni carving" rather
than "Zuni fetish."
Stewart is well known for his Medicine Bear carvings, but his bent for
aesthetic license lies in what he calls the
"turnaround bear",
his own original
stylistic development which transcends traditional folk art, and raises the craft of
Zuni fetish carving to a true art form. Whether realistic, or semi-abstract, the soft, free-flowing lines he obtains with the minimal amount of change to the object stone is one of the most notable attributes of his carvings.
Those same soft lines are also evident in the carvings of Faye and Sandra Quandelacy,
well known for their corn maiden carvings and pendant necklaces, and sister Georgianna Quandelacy, well known for her fetish necklaces, bears with fish, and medicine bears with sunfaces.
Andres Quandelacy is well known for his
small, intricate carvings of mountain lions, buffaloes, and standing bears. Andres' style is unique and readily
recognizable. Better known for mountain lion carvings with the tail draped over the back, Andres has added the loop tail
and the long tail in the last few years. As have the other members of the Quandelacy family, Andres has achieved international acclaim for his carvings, pendants, and fetish necklaces fashioned in the Quandelacy tradition.
Bibliography of the Zuni Language
The Zuni, or Shiwi language, is
now generally considered a language isolate. The Encyclopedia Britannica categorizes it as a Penutian language, and Bertha
Dutton once posed the hypothetical that according to the Swadesh list,
"If the Zuni language is a member of the Penutian language family, then it
is a distant relative of the Tanoan languages
(Tewi). The Penutian hypothesis
was advanced by Alfred
Kroeber and Roland B. Dixon, and later refined by Edward Sapir, and was an
attempt to reduce the number of unrelated language families in a culturally
diverse area that was centered in California's central coast. While this theory was plausible for some of the languages, the problem of verification of this theory was that to find any evidence of any cognates between the California languages and Zuni, one would possibly have to trace the languages' lineage by as much as 3000-5000 years or more. Listed below is a bibliography of
books and articles concerned with the Zuni language. Some of these items deal
with syntax and semantics, as does Zuni
Curtis D. Cook's article. Others, such
as Ruth Bunzel's Pueblo Pottery and Jane M. Young's book on Rock Art, may seem out of place on this list, but are important in the study of pragmatics and the Zuni World View
as it corresponds with the Zuni language. The Zuni worldview may properly be considered as a study in orthology. The form and function of design images and pictographic rock art images and
their interpretation according to Zuni mythology
or cosmology sufficed as
a form of communication prior to the appearance of a written language. The Zuni Enigma, by Nancy Yaw Davis offers a comparative of cognates between the Zuni language and
another language isolate; the Japanese language. While speculative, it demonstrates a likeness between the Zuni and Japanese languages that
is more compelling than that of the Penutian Hypothesis. The article by Dell Hymes offers information on California languages where one can form a comparative
of certain Zuni words to the languages of California, e.g. Wintu, Maidu, Miwok, and may have relevance to studies of the Pueblo Peoples, the Pecos Classification, Hohokam.
The importance of the books on and by Frank Hamilton Cushing goes without saying. He was the first anthropologist to undertake studies
by means of the method of participant observation, and was a member of the Priesthood of the Bow. Of special interest in regard to the Zuni language
is his correspondences edited by Jesse Green, and their relevance to the Zuni language as it reflects their world view. Any suggested additions to this
list can be submitted to zunifetish@prophetsrock.com
and are welcome.
Bunzel,
Ruth L. The Pueblo Potter: A Study of
Creative Imagination in Primitive Art. New York: Dover, 1929
Bunzel,
Ruth L. Introduction to Zuni Ceremonialism. Intro. by Nancy Pareto. University of New Mexico Press, 1992.
Bunzel,
Ruth L. Zuni Texts. Publications of the
American Ethnological Society, 15. New York: G.E. Steckert & Co., 1933.
Cook,
Curtis D. "Nucleus and Margin of Zuni Clause Types." Linguistics. 13: 5-37, 1975.
Davis,
Nancy Yaw. The Zuni Enigma. Norton, 2000.
Dutton,
Bertha P. American Indians of the
Southwest. Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1983.
Green,
Jesse, ed. Zuni: Selected Writings
of Frank Hamilton Cushing. Lincoln
and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1979.
Green, Jesse.
Cushing at Zuni: The Correspondence and Journals of Frank Hamilton Cushing,
1879-1884. Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press, 1990.
Hickerson,
Nancy P. "Two Studies of Color:
Implications for Cross-Cultural Comparability of Semantic Categories". In Linguistics and Anthropology: In honor
of C.F. Voegelin. Pp. 317-330. Ed.
By M. Dale Kinkade, Kenneth Hale, and Oswald Werner. The Peter De Ridder Press, 1975.
Hieb,
Louis A. "Meaning and Mismeaning: Toward an Understanding of the Ritual
Clowns". New Perspectives on the
Pueblos. Ed. by Alfonso Ortiz. Pp. 163-195. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972.
Hymes,
Dell H. "Some Penutian Elements and the Penutian Hypothesis". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 13:69-87, 1957.
Miner,
Kenneth L. "Noun Stripping and Loose Incorporation in Zuni". International Journal of American
Linguistics. 52: 242-254, 1986.
Newman,
Stanley. "Vocabulary Levels: Zuni Sacred and Slang Usage."Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 11: 345-354, 1955.
Newman,
Stanley. Zuni Dictionary. Indiana
University Research Center Publication Six. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1958.
Newman,
Stanley. "The Zuni Verb 'To Be'"Foundations of Language, Supplemental Series. Vol. 1. Ed. by John W. Verhaar.,
The Humanities Press, 1967.
Stout,
Carol. "Problems of a Chomskyan
Analysis of Zuni Transitivity". International
Journal of American Linguistics. 39:
207-223, 1973.
Walker,
Willard. "Inflection and Taxonomic Structure
in Zuni". International Journal of
American Linguistics. 32(3):
217-227, 1966.
Walker
Willard. "Toward a Sound Pattern of the Zuni". International Journal of
American Linguistics. 38(4): 240-259, 1968.
Young,
M. Jane. Signs from the Ancestors:
Zuni Cultural Symbolism and Perceptions in Rock Art. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988.
From: "ghwelker" <ghwelker3@comcast.net>
Taíno Indians, a subgroup of the Arawakan Indians (a group of American
Indians in northeastern South America), inhabited the Greater Antilles
(comprising Cuba, Jamaica, Hispaniola [Haiti and the Dominican
Republic], and Puerto Rico) in the Caribbean Sea at the time when
Christopher Columbus' arrived to the New World.
The Taíno culture impressed both the Spanish (who observed it) and
modern sociologists. The Arawakan achievements included construction
of ceremonial ball parks whose boundaries were marked by upright stone
dolmens, development of a universal language, and creation of a
complicated religious cosmology. There was a hierarchy of deities who
inhabited the sky; Yocahu was the supreme Creator. Another god,
Jurakán, was perpetually angry and ruled the power of the hurricane.
Other mythological figures were the gods Zemi and Maboya. The zemis, a
god of both sexes, were represented by icons in the form of human and
animal figures, and collars made of wood, stone, bones, and human
remains. Taíno Indians believed that being in the good graces of their
zemis protected them from disease, hurricanes, or disaster in war.
They therefore served cassava (manioc) bread as well as beverages and
tobacco to their zemis as propitiatory offerings. Maboyas, on the
other hand, was a nocturnal deity who destroyed the crops and was
feared by all the natives, to the extent that elaborate sacrifices
were offered to placate him.
Myths and traditions were perpetuated through ceremonial dances
(areytos), drumbeats, oral traditions, and a ceremonial ball game
played between opposing teams (of 10 to 30 players per team) with a
rubber ball; winning this game was thought to bring a good harvest and
strong, healthy children.
The Taíno Indians lived in theocratic kingdoms and had a
hierarchically arranged chiefs or caciques. The Taínos were divided in
three social classes: the naborias (work class), the nitaínos or
sub-chiefs and noblemen which includes the bohiques or priests and
medicine men and the caciques or chiefs, each village or yucayeque had
one.
At the time Juan Ponce de León took possession of the Island, there
were about twenty villages or yucayeques, Cacique Agüeybana, was chief
of the Taínos. He lived at Guánica, the largest Indian village in the
island, on the Guayanilla River. The rank of each cacique apparently
was established along democratic lines; his importance in the tribe
being determined by the size of his clan, rather than its war-making
strength. There was no aristocracy of lineage, nor were their titles
other than those given to individuals to distinguish their services to
the clan.
Their complexion were bronze-colored, average stature, dark, flowing,
coarse hair, and large and slightly oblique dark eyes. Men generally
went naked or wore a breech cloth, called nagua, single women walked
around naked and married women an apron to over their genitals, made
of cotton or palm fibers. The length of which was a sign of rank. Both
sexes painted themselves on special occasions; they wore earrings,
nose rings, and necklaces, which were sometimes made of gold. Taíno
crafts were few; some pottery and baskets were made, and stone, marble
and wood were worked skillfully.
Skilled at agriculture and hunting, then Taínos were also good
sailors, fishermen, canoe makers, and navigators. Their main crops
were cassava, garlic, potatoes, yautías, mamey, guava, and anón. They
had no calendar or writing system, and could count only up to twenty,
using their hands and feet. Their personal possessions consisted of
wooden stools with four legs and carved backs, hammocks made of cotton
cloth or string for sleeping, clay and wooden bowls for mixing and
serving food, calabashes or gourds for drinking water and bailing out
boats, and their most prized possessions, large dugout canoes, for
transportation, fishing, and water sports.
Caciques lived in rectangular huts, called caneyes, located in the
center of the village facing the batey. The naborias lived in round
huts, called bohios. The construction of both types of building was
the same: wooden frames, topped by straw, with earthen floor, and
scant interior furnishing. But the buildings were strong enough to
resist hurricanes. Its believed that Taino settlements ranged from
single families to groups of 3,000 people.
About 100 years before the Spanish invasion, the Taínos were
challenged by an invading South American tribe - the Caribs [Glos.].
Fierce, warlike, sadistic, and adept at using poison-tipped arrows,
they raided Taíno settlements for slaves (especially females) and
bodies for the completion of their rites of cannibalism. Some
ethnologists argue that the preeminence of the Taínos, shaken by the
attacks of the Caribs, was already jeopardized by the time of the
Spanish occupation. In fact, it was Caribs who fought the most
effectively against the Europeans, their behavior probably led the
Europeans to unfairly attribute warlike tendencies to all of the
island's tribes. A dynamic tension between the Taínos and the Caribs
certainly existed when the Christopher Columbus landed on Puerto Rico.
When the Spanish settlers first came in 1508, since there is no
reliable documentation, anthropologists estimate their numbers to have
been between 20,000 and 50,000, but maltreatment, disease, flight, and
unsuccessful rebellion had diminished their number to 4,000 by 1515;
in 1544 a bishop counted only 60, but these too were soon lost.
At their arrival the Spaniards expected the Taino Indians to
acknowledge the sovereignty of the king of Spain by payment of gold
tribute, to work and supply provisions of food and to observe
Christian ways. The Taínos rebelled most notably in 1511, when several
caciques (Indian leaders) conspired to oust the Spaniards. They were
joined in this uprising by their traditional enemies, the Caribs.
Their weapons, however, were no match against Spanish horses and
firearms and the revolt was soon ended brutally by the Spanish forces
of Governor Juan Ponce de León.
In order to understand Puerto Rico's prehistoric era, it is important
to know that the Taínos, far more than the Caribs, contributed greatly
to the everyday life and language that evolved during the Spanish
occupation. Taíno place names are still used for such towns as Utuado,
Mayagüez, Caguas, and Humacao, among others.
Many Taíno implements and techniques were copied directly by the
Europeans, including the bohío (straw hut) and the hamaca (hammock),
the musical instrument known as the maracas, and the method of making
cassava bread. Many Taino words persist in the Puerto Rican vocabulary
of today. Names of plants, trees and fruits includes: maní, leren,
ají, yuca, mamey, pajuil, pitajaya, cupey, tabonuco and ceiba. Names
of fish, animals and birds includes: mucaro, guaraguao, iguana, cobo,
carey, jicotea, guabina, manati, buruquena and juey. As well as other
objects and instruments: güiro, bohío, batey, caney, hamaca, nasa,
petate, coy, barbacoa, batea, cabuya, casabe and canoa. Other words
were passed not only into Spanish, but also into English, such as
huracan (hurricane) and hamaca (hammock). Also, many Taíno
superstitions and legends were adopted and adapted by the Spanish and
still influence the Puerto Rican imagination.
Caciques, Nobles, and their Regalia
Taíno society was divided into two classes - nobles (nitaínos) and
commoners (naborias) - governed by a hierarchy of greater and lesser
chiefs known as caciques, who were advised by high-ranking nobles and
shamans (medicine men). The cacicazgos controlled by caciques were
confederations of communities with populations that ranged from
several hundred to thousands of people. As Taíno society developed
from A.D. 1200 to 1500, powerful caciques united these chiefdoms into
political states. At the time of the conquest, Hispaniola was under
the control of five important caciques. Puerto Rico was governed by
approximately twenty.
Although male caciques ruled Taíno society, they inherited the right
to rule from female relatives, some of whom were cacicas (chiefs)
themselves. Women also played a significant role in Taíno culture as
artists. Sixteenth-century accounts report that they wove costumes and
hammocks, made ceramic vessels for food preparation and feasting, and
commissioned and owned duhos, the ceremonial seats used by caciques,
nobles, and shamans. Duhos were often carved in human or animal form
and had elaborately incised designs. Prestige and power were
intimately linked to the ownership and use of these seats; sculptures
of zemies (spirits and ancestors) were sometimes placed beside
caciques on separate duhos, suggesting that many chiefs owned at least
two.
Duhos carved in wood or stone were highly polished and embellished
with incrustations of gold, shell, and bone that have rarely survived.
About one hundred duhos are known today; most were discovered in
caves, where they were either buried with the deceased or hidden from
the Spanish. They were carved with high backs or low backs, including
some that are flat seats. Such distinctions may indicate relative
degrees of status among the ancient Taíno because the Spanish saw
caciques using only high-backed duhos. Other members of the nobility
and shamans probably used low-backed duhos. Those with carved human
figures may have represented ancestors of caciques in the case of
high-backed duhos, and shamanic spirit-helpers in the case of
low-backed examples modeled as fierce anthropomorphic creatures.
amulet Caciques and nitaínos were further distinguished by their
clothing, jewelry, and other accessories. They wore garments of the
finest woven cotton and beaded belts with geometric designs. For
important occasions they donned capes made from the colorful plumage
of tropical birds: parrots, toucans, herons, and eagles. They also
wore beautifully worked shell jewelry - including necklaces and
pectoral ornaments - and amulets made from gold, semiprecious stones,
shell, and bone.
The exhibition highlights a beautifully worked shell necklace with a
bat ornament, a skull pendant, and a richly detailed pectoral that may
depict the hurricane god. An array of amulets illustrates the variety
and refinement of these small but important personal ornaments that
were sometimes combined into necklaces. Taíno amulets exhibit distinct
forms - emaciated figures with skeletal faces, human figures in
crouching positions, pairs of twins, and animals such as frogs,
crocodiles, and bats. Although their meanings remain unknown, they
were probably stylized portraits of caciques or nobles and spirits
from the otherworld.
Caciques carried boldly carved scepters and daggers of polished stones
as symbols of their authority. These accessories are based upon the
celt - an ovoid stone axe - common to many pre-Columbian cultures from
the earliest times onward. Celts were often hafted into wooden shafts
to become axes. Although normally utilitarian tools made from crude
stones, celts owned by rulers and nobles were made of jade and other
greenstones or polished dark stones, and decorated with carved
designs. The greenstone celt, ax scepters, and daggers in the
exhibition are elaborate versions of tools used by the Taíno.
Caciques were polygamous, and formed political alliances by marrying
women from other cacicazgos. Spanish chronicles attest to the
caciques' power over almost every aspect of Taíno society. They
controlled the collection and distribution of food and trade goods;
they organized community festivals known as areytos; and they decided
when to go to war. In addition, caciques functioned as spiritual
leaders who contacted the supernatural through hallucinogenic trances.
ghwelker"
http://www.merrynjose.com/artman/publish/article_326.shtml
Women & Spirituality
Grandmothers Unite
Statement of the International Council of the Thirteen Indigenous
Grandmothers
By Reviewer, Ema
We are thirteen indigenous grandmothers who came together for the
first time from October 11 through October 17, 2004, in Phoenicia,
New York. We gathered from the four directions in the land of the
people of the Iroquois Confederacy. We come here from the Amazon
rainforest, the Arctic circle of North America, the great forest of
the American northwest, the vast plains of North America, the
highlands of central America, the Black Hills of South Dakota, the
mountains of Oaxaca, the desert of the American southwest, the
mountains of Tibet and from the rainforest of Central Africa.
Affirming our relations with traditional medicine peoples and
communities throughout the world, we have been brought together by a
common vision to form a new global alliance.
We are the International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers.
We have united as one. Ours is an alliance of prayer, education and
healing for our Mother Earth, all Her inhabitants, all the children
and for the next seven generations to come.
We are deeply concerned with the unprecedented destruction of our
Mother Earth, the contamination of our air, waters and soil, the
atrocities of war, the global scourge of poverty, the threat of
nuclear weapons and waste, the prevailing culture of materialism, the
epidemics which threaten the health of the Earth's peoples, the
exploitation of indigenous medicines, and with the destruction of
indigenous ways of life.
We, the International Council of Thirteen Indigenous Grandmothers,
believe that our ancestral ways of prayer, peacemaking and healing
are vitally needed today. We come together to nurture, educate and
train our children. We come together to uphold the practice of our
ceremonies and affirm the right too use our plant medicines free of
legal restriction. We come together to protect the lands where our
peoples live and upon which our cultures depend, to safeguard the
collective heritage of traditional medicines, and to defend the earth
Herself. We believe that the teachings of our ancestors will light
our way through an uncertain future.
We join with all those who honor the Creators, and to all who work and
pray for our children, for world peace, and for the healing of our
Mother Earth.
For all our relations,
Margaret Behan- Cheyenne- Arapaho
From: dorindamoreno
From: Carol
gilbert lujan wrote:
A good step forward
magu
Indian murals at EPA building to undergo review
Thursday, March 17, 2005
A handful of government murals that depict Indian people in an
unfavorable
light will undergo a review...
From: Glenn Welker
National Museum of the American Indian
National Powwow
Actual Location MCI Center, 601 F Street NW, Washington D.C. 20004
Event Dates August 12, 13, 14, 2005
Event Hours Fri - 10am to10pm; Sat - 10am to 10pm; Sun - 10am to 8pm
Admission Fee(s) Adult: $12
Senior 65 yrs & older /Child - 4 to 11 years: $10
Special Members Price: $10
Group Rate (25 or more):$10/person
Three day pass: $30
Educational Comp. "Origins and Evolutions of the Powwow" (more
information to follow as this is currently being developed)
Type of Event Contest Powwow
Prize Purse $100,000
Invited Drums "All Drums Invited"
*Vendors*
Fees $600 (10'x10' space)
$800 food vendors - TBD (not sure if we will be able to accommodate
food
vendors because of MCI Center restrictions)
*Vendor applications will be ready for distribution within the next
couple of weeks. We will allow ample time, approx. 2 months for vendors
to apply. Justin Giles will be the point of contact for vendors and he
is currently taking names and info and will send application forms when
ready.
*General Contact*
Number 877-830-3224 or 301-238-3023
www.americanindian.si.edu
(webpage in development-email announcement to staff when complete)
Navajo artist Teddy Draper Workshops
Workshop information for 2005
May 16-20, instructor Teddy Draper, Jr., pastel techniques, insights into art, culture, and connecting to nature.
June 7-11, Indian Jewelry Basics (class limited to 4 students).
June 7-11, instructor Teddy Draper, Jr., pastel techniques, insights into art, culture, and connecting to nature.
Web Sites: Literacy in Indigenous Communities by L. David van Broekhuizen, Ph.D. (2000) Essay on the Zuni World View Coyote and the monster - Nez Perce
A long, long time ago, people did not yet inhabit the earth. A monster
walked upon the land, eating all the animals--except Coyote. Coyote was
angry that his friends were gone. He climbed the tallest mountain and
attached himself to the top. Coyote called upon the monster,
challenging it
to try to eat him. The monster sucked in the air, hoping to pull in
Coyote
with its powerful breath, but the ropes were too strong. The monster
tried
many other ways to blow Coyote off the mountain, but it was no use.
Realizing that Coyote was sly and clever, the monster thought of a new
plan.
It would befriend Coyote and invite him to stay in its home. Before the
visit began, Coyote said that he wanted to visit his friends and asked
if he
could enter the monster's stomach to see them. The monster allowed
this, and
Coyote cut out its heart and set fire to its insides. His friends were
freed.
Then Coyote decided to make a new animal. He flung pieces of the
monster in
the four directions; wherever the pieces landed, a new tribe of Indians
emerged. He ran out of body parts before he could create a new human
animal
on the site where the monster had lain. He used the monster's blood,
which
was still on his hands, to create the Nez Percé, who would be strong
and
good.
According to the lore of numerous tribes, animals walked the earth
prior to
man. They helped to shape, teach, feed, and spiritually nurture the
people
who later lived with them. Animals played a vital role in the life of
the
Native people, and honoring their spirits could bring blessings, life
balance, and abundance. Many Native Americans believed in the special
medicine, or power, that each animal held. The mythic beasts were often
given the highest respect that could be bestowed on a spirit: the role
of
creator. When an individual or tribe needed assistance, it called upon
an
animal's knowledge, power, and spirit. To this day, animals are
considered
sacred by the Native American peoples and are appealed to in times of
need
Reposted with Permission from Brother to Horse
From Blue Panther Keeper of Stories
http://groups.msn.com/KeeperofStories
Subject: Native American burial sites legislation: House Bill 179
Subject: Taino Indian Culture / Caciques, Nobles, and their Regalia
Via Mary Ann;
By Rachel Lehmann-Haupt
Jan 14, 2005
Jan 4, 2005
Rita Pikta Blumenstein-Yupik
Julieta Casimiro- Mazatec
Kusali Devi- Newari
Flordemayo- Mayan
Maria Alice Campos Freire- Brazil
Tsering Dolma Gyalthong-Tibetan
Beatrice Holy Dance Long Visitor- Lakota
Rita Holy Dance Long Visitor-Lakota
Agnes Pigrim- Takelma Siletz
Mona Palocca- Hopi/ Havasupai
Clara Shinobu Iura-Brazil
Subject: Re: Indian murals at EPA building to undergo review
To: magu4u@hotmail.com
Magulandia Studio "D"
558 west Second street
Pomona, 91766, Aztlan
909-629-8240
Subject: National Powwow
Chinle, Arizona (Canyon DeChelly)-
Seminars and workshops have limited capacity and usually require enrollment months in advance.
dechelly2000@yahoo.com
Native American Links Page
Indigenous Peoples Literature
Wisdom of the Old People
Native American Summer Camp Info
Indian band seeks to regain its birthright
By David Whitney
Hero, Hawk, and Open Hand
Early tribal artifacts put in spotlight
"Hero, Hawk, and Open Hand" is scheduled to be shown at The St. Louis Art Museum from
March 4 to May 30, 2005, and at the Smithsonian National Museum of
Natural History from early July to late September.
Wintu Indians
At War Against Dam, Tribe Turns to Old Ways
Petition in Support of the Winnemem Wintu Tribe
My Two Beads Worth: Indigenous News Online
Northern California Indian Development Council
IndigenousNewsNetwork
Native Village
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Literacy in first languages in indigenous communities is a complex
topic that generates lively discussion. This research synthesis
explores the notions of national, mother-tongue, multiple, and
biliteracies. It presents important information pertaining to
threatened languages, language shift, and language loss. Examples of
culturally relevant uses of literacy in indigenous communities and
issues related to first-language literacy instruction are also
provided.
Excerpt(Complete article is available in PDF)
Cushing also cited an
incidence where he showed a pole that accompanies a theodolite to an old Zuni
man and asked him what he thought the name of it was. In response the old man inquired as to the
use
of the
item. After briefly describing the
implementation of the device the old man provided a rather lengthy
sentence-word that Cushing translated as "heights of the world progressively
measuring stick". The next day Cushing
took the pole to the extreme corner of the pueblo and began "to flourish it
around" until a middle-aged man relented to curiosity and asked what it
was. Cushing then provided the Zuni
name he had learned the day before and the man promptly requested, "Can they
actually tell how far up and down journeying the world is?"
[105].
http://www.smartgroups.com/groups/keeper_of_stories_3
posted by Amerindian Arts at 3:05 PM
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